In 1991, a year during which Eritrea won its sovereignty after three decades of bloody war, as well as when both the peoples of Eritrea and Ethiopia entered a new historic chapter following the regime change in Addis, virtually all well-wishers were optimistic of the good prospects in the Horn of Africa–a region that had purportedly bade farewell to the dark age.
Indeed, a number of positive initiatives that could have laid optimal environment for regional political and economic integration were already in effect. In light of the then verging good prospects, had the region been allowed to prosper all on its own, it would be no wonder to tell how the region could by now have thrived. However, the new chapter, of which the peoples of the Horn of Africa were quite optimistic, did not take long to assume new direction as a result of the strategy the U.S. Administration pursued during the post-Cold War era.
Meanwhile, Washington’s interventionist posture in internal affairs of the peoples of the Horn region became manifest no sooner than the political vacuum in Somalia supervened the overthrow of Siad Barre’s rule. A religion-centered extremist movement that at the same time transpired in the Sudan also permeated for external interference through wide political fissure. Once the TPLF took the reins in Ethiopia, the clique did not only fail to live up to its pledge but also began to exercise power for parochial partisan interests. On top of satellite regimes in Djibouti, Kenya and Uganda that have long been in the habit of economic and political dependency, the U.S. Administration added the TPLF clique to its list of puppet regimes. The aforementioned internal and regional factors have thus become breeding ground for conspiratorial policies of this same administration.
If there had been a single force in the Horn of Africa that challenged the U.S. arising from its cogent stance and unwavering principle, it was the Government of Eritrea. In view of this fact, Washington entangled the subservient clique in 1998 into a quandary through inducing the regime to resort to blatant invasion over Eritrea’s sovereignty. As the invasion was dealt a blowing defeat by stern popular rebuff and the puppet regime lost the case in an adversarial proceeding in April 2002, Washington, pursuant to its obstructionist policy and subversion of the rule of law, has virtually for the past decade hindered implementation of the EEBC’s ruling to which the administration itself is a signatory mediator, while at the same time blowing the crisis in this region out of proportion.
Invariably, when the TPLF clique rigged the election of May 2005, United States opted to provide political nurturing for the much abominated regime in lieu of commiserating with the resulting strong popular uprising. At a time when excesses were committed by the TPLF regime over its own people, this same administration simply preferred to avert the situation. But rather, the role it played to dividing rebelling Ethiopian groups through pressure and with financial assistance was a disgraceful proof that revealed the country’s multiple standards on democracy and human rights. Washington’s intensive political nurturing, nevertheless, has failed to protect the TPLF clique from collapse. Mired in grave political and economic quagmire, Ethiopia is currently faced with a time bomb on the horizon. Likewise, the puppet regime itself is well aware more than ever of its twilight moments laying ahead.
By the time the Somali people took a domestic move geared towards the reconstitution and unification of Somalia in 2006, painting the initiative extraneously, Washington employed the TPLF to carry out brazen invasion in Somalia, thereby exacerbating the existing crisis in the Horn region. Further than complicating Somalia’s problem, the heavy-handed assault taken with a view to stifling the choice of the Somalis has now spawned serious global security as well as humanitarian crisis. Consequently, the country’s instability, transcending the hinterland, has thus posed grave global concern to the international community by leading to piracy that affects from Somalia’s coastlines deep into the Indian Ocean. Furthermore, the U.S. Administration has also encouraged satellite states of Kenya, Djibouti, Uganda and Burundi to interfere in internal affairs of neighboring country with scanty financial support, and thus, getting involved in vendetta. Such a vendetta will no doubt bear hard feelings in the future. It is to be noted that Somali militants have been expressing antipathy towards those satellite states. The tragic incident that took place in Kampala, Uganda, is but a result of erroneous U.S. policy, which has led states of the Horn of Africa into mayhem.
Apart from internal factors, the contemporary state of affairs that has of late divided the brotherly peoples of Sudan, as well as the sensitive scenario currently flaring up strife in many parts of the country is chiefly ascribed to scheming intervention of the U.S. Administration. Washington’s policy in the Sudan has been imposing externally prescribed remedy. It is to be recalled that Eritrea, in the face of such erroneous policies, has time and again been urging the handling of matters by the respective parties. The U.S. Administration, however, is intensifying its conspiratorial policies of dividing up in other parts of the Sudan in a futile bid to prey on crisis.
Surprisingly, the U.S. Administration endorses these vicious acts of conspiracy dubbing a mission for peace, democratization, anti-terrorism, as well as promoting economic development and human resources. It is quite apparent that Washington’s destructive and terrorist policies are phenomenal throughout the world. Accordingly, the prime accountable for the instability of the Horn of Africa and the resulting political and humanitarian crisis is but the Administration in Washington.